The evolution of Malaysian foreign policy

Kuala Lumpur once prized non-alignment above all else – now it sees Beijing as more reliable than lectures from the West.- Murni Abdul Hamid

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim during a parade for Malaysian Independence Day celebrations last month in Putrajaya, Malaysia (Syaiful Redzuan/Anadolu via Getty Images

Malaysia’s approach in navigating great power rivalry since the Cold War has largely been based on the principles of non-alignment, neutralism, and equidistance. However, two contrasting snapshots of the country’s Independence (Merdeka) Day celebration – half a century apart – offer an interesting perspective on whether Malaysia’s contemporary position has shifted away from these principles.

On 31 August 1973, Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, hastily left the joyous Merdeka celebration midway to depart for Algiers and lead the Malaysian delegation to the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM) Summit. It was his first time attending the summit. It had taken several attempts for Malaysia to become a NAM member, largely due to Indonesia’s opposition and influence within the Afro-Asian group during the Konfrontasi period. Malaysia’s experience of Konfrontasi and the retreat of the British from the region pushed the country to seek friends among other newly independent states.

When Malaysia finally became a NAM member in 1970, its foreign policy gradually shifted away from heavy reliance on the United Kingdom toward a more neutral and non-aligned stance. Against this background, Tun Razak strongly felt the need for Malaysia to be represented at the highest level in Algiers to signify the country’s commitment to non-alignment – even if it meant leaving the Merdeka celebration halfway.

Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak (Bettmann/Getty Images)

Jump forward just over 50 years to 31 August 2025, Malaysia’s tenth Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, left at the conclusion of the nation’s Merdeka celebration to immediately depart for China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit. It was the first time Malaysia had participated in the SCO, in which Malaysia is neither a member nor an observer. It was also the first time a Malaysian leader attended China’s “Victory Parade” in Beijing, which this year took place a few days later, to commemorate the end of the Second World War, alongside other leaders including from Russia, North Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Iran.

Since becoming Prime Minister in late 2022, Anwar has visited China four times, with China’s President and Premier reciprocating accordingly (also a total of four times if including the upcoming ASEAN Summit and other meetings next month).

While China has been Malaysia’s largest trading partner since 2009, relations with China have further intensified in recent years both bilaterally and multilaterally. These include Malaysia’s active involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP). Stronger ties also extend to decisions to allow Chinese companies to develop the country’s second 5G network and to revitalise Malaysia’s national car industry, the recent acceptance of China’s vision of building a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind, and the landmark creation of a bilateral mechanism with China to discuss maritime issues. Malaysia’s decision to join BRICS, and the initiative to bring in China into the ASEAN-GCC platform by hosting the first-ever ASEAN-GCC-China Summit in Kuala Lumpur, also illustrate the depth of relations.

The actions of the great powers leave little room for Malaysia to manoeuvre, and siding with the more predictable and reliable power seems to be the less risky option.

While Malaysia’s intensification of cooperation with China should not be viewed as a zero-sum game, it is hard to ignore that this occurred against the backdrop of deteriorating relations with the United States. From the perspective of Malaysian leaders, the more benign power and trusted partner today is not the United States, but China. This, in spite of several challenges, particularly in the South China Sea.

In Anwar’s speech during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Malaysia earlier this year, he praised China as a rational, steady, and reliable partner amid the turbulence of “economic tribalism” and threats to multilateralism and the rules-based order. Last year, when Anwar spoke off-the-cuff at a business luncheon in honour of Premier Li Qiang in Kuala Lumpur, he commended the attitude of the Chinese leadership as “friendly, courteous, full of respect, [and] understanding of cultures and differences”, in contrast to the “narrative from the others” and the “barrage of questions” from others – especially “the western” – on whether Malaysia’s close relations with China would be in Malaysia’s best interest.

Understandably, as an independent nation, no country appreciates being told who it should be friends with, especially when those doing the lecturing neither act as they preach nor have been reliable friends in the first place.

While closer relations with the United States would still serve Malaysia’s interests – particularly in the realms of the economy and defence – they are proving even more elusive under President Donald Trump. His arbitrary tariff impositions, aggressive rhetoric (even against allies), withdrawals from multilateral organisations, disregard for the rule of law, undermining of the global order, and coddling of Israel have been obstacles for Malaysian leaders in promoting closer ties with the United States. Domestically, various opinion polls in recent years have shown a steady decline in Malaysians’ favourable perceptions towards the United States, while favourable views of China and even Russia have increased significantly.

If the above trend persists, Malaysia might find itself moving even further away from its non-aligned, neutral, and equidistant stances that served it well in the past. At present, however, the actions of the great powers leave little room for Malaysia to manoeuvre, and siding with the more predictable and reliable power seems to be the less risky option.

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Susannah Patton20h ago

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Proton drives the country to a higher level, with Geely China, Automotive High Tech

 

Proton's e.Mas 7 electric vehicles at the company's plant in Tanjung Malim, Perak, Malaysia. -- PHOTO: BLOOMBERG

IT’S an exciting time to be in Tanjung Malim, a town in Perak, which is actually nearer to Kuala Lumpur than Ipoh as it is only 70 km north of Kuala Lumpur and 120 km south of Ipoh.

Once a sleepy town, which most motorists using the North-South Expressway would just pass by without entering, Tanjung Malim has become too important to ignore.

It is now known as the Proton City, with commercial and residential activities, spread over 16 km and the home of the multi-million ringgit Proton manufacturing plant.

The national car, under the then Proton Holdings Bhd, was once near collapse as its losses ran into billions of ringgit over the years preceding 2016 due to high operating costs, declining market share and a lack of research and development. 

But the change began when DRB-Hicom Bhd and China’s Zhejiang Geely Holding Group took over Proton in 2017.

They transformed the struggling national car project into a profitable entity on a growth trajectory, driven by advanced technology and improved models with increased market share.

Now, DRB-Hicom and Geely are taking Tanjung Malim to a new level with the creation of the Automotive High Tech Valley (AHTV) as its global strategic hub – the first outside China.

Both have signed a master collaboration agreement that sets forth the principles, framework and mutual commitment for AHTV.

Total investment from Proton, Geely, DRB-Hicom and the future foreign direct investors is estimated at RM32bil over 10 years to develop AHTV into Malaysia’s right-hand-drive export hub, producing vehicles not only for Proton and other Geely brands but also other original equipment manufacturers.

The AHTV has been classified as a “high impact major project” under the 13th Malaysia Plan (2026 to 2030) with the aim of making Proton City an automotive hub for the Asean region.

The focus will not just be on production but also in the manufacturing of high technology components and parts for New Energy Vehicles as well as NxGV or Next Generation Vehicles.

Malaysians can expect many ground breaking events to take place in the coming years.

Last December, Proton’s new electric vehicle (EV) was launched by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim with the first locally made Proton e.MAS 7 expected to be rolled out from the new Proton EV factory by November this year and to be followed by the more affordable e.MAS 5.

The ground breaking of the new RM82mil EV factory, which sits on a 2.25 ha site within the Proton complex, has a first phase initial capacity of 20,000 units per annum.

The concept of the AHTV has been created to propel Malaysia’s competitiveness in the automotive industry to improve competitiveness of local vendors through collaboration or joint-venture with overseas vendors.

The creation of the AHTV is in line with the National Automotive Policy 2020 and National Industry Master Plan 2030, National Energy Transition Roadmap and Low Carbon Mobility Blueprint.

Proton now plans to fully relocate from Shah Alam to Tanjung Malim by 2027.

DRB-Hicom group managing director Tan Sri Syed Faisal Albar Syed Ali Rethza Albar said: “The total Proton staff is around 8,000 with 4,000 each in Shah Alam and Tanjung Malim respectively but by 2027, Proton will relocate entirely to Tanjung Malim, save for some management staff.”

The expectation that over 8,000 workers will be based in Tanjung Malim along with their families will surely reshape the town.

The relocation will reduce operational costs, optimise efficiency and help to increase production capacity at the Tanjong Malim plant for greater economic scale.

This plant is not only a production site – it’s also seen as a strategic investment to advance green technology in the local automotive sector, creating over 3,000 jobs in Tanjung Malim.

As of 2024, about 20 vendors, both local and foreign, are operating there to support Proton’s manufacturing.

Proton is moving in the right partnership with Geely via the AHTV as the former wants to leverage on the advancement of the automotive industry in China through Geely with its high tech features, new energy vehicles and global premium brands under their wing such as Zeekr, Lynk and Co, Polestar and Smart, amongst others.

It’s a big deal that Geely has chosen Tanjung Malim as its Global Strategic Hub as the spillover impact would be tremendous, including developing public amenities for a growing population, gas pipeline for vendors, 5G connectivity for advanced manufacturers, new connectivity and possibly a railway hub for logistic support and a new North-South Expressway interchange to Tanjung Malim and, an expansion of Federal Route 1.

For the community in Tanjung Malim, a private English medium primary school has opened since March 2024 for the benefit of the expatriates and their families working there as well as a golf range and a bowling centre.

A private hospital, international school, technical training institute and hotel are in the development plans.

AHTV also wants to target top global vendors to set-up facilities in AHTV and to attract original equipment manufacturers (OEMs) there as a manufacturing hub for their own export markets.

All these are being planned and expected to be executed over the next six years.

From 2030 onwards, AHTV hopes to enhance research and development capabilities in Malaysia as well as to set up a national automotive testing centre, a vehicle testing centre and possibly an automotive museum.

Once fully developed, AHTV could potentially produce up to 500,000 vehicles annually, with 50% targeted for export. Component production is also projected to support one million vehicles by 2035.

For the long term, the development is projected to generate between 160,000 and 370,000 job opportunities, which will include the production of microchips and core component production in batteries, autonomous technologies and automotive artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, and advanced connectivity.

AHTV will shape the production of the national car to a new milestone as it was established to create an automotive system in Malaysia. It was not merely to produce the Proton cars but aims of a larger plan.

An ecosystem to manufacture a car is important, without which it will be difficult to assemble foreign cars in Malaysia.

At the same time, the multiplier effects on the economy must improve to benefit Malaysians at different levels.

But there has to be some reality checks too.

After many years of having a solid ecosystem, Malaysia’s total automotive exports is still low at 3% whereas Thailand is at 50% and Indonesia at 37%.

Yet, Malaysia is the biggest passenger car market in Asean and has the highest car ownership rate among Asean countries with 490 units per 1,000 population.

This is why DRB-Hicom, Proton and Geely want to build the AHTV; taking advantage of economies of scale from Proton and Geely’s influence in bringing global top-tier vendors to set-up shop there.

The intention is to create a vibrant hub for other OEMs to take advantage of the AHTV’s ecosystem which can naturally start with Geely producing their branded vehicles in Tanjung Malim.

Geely brands include Volvo, Zeekr, Lynk & Co, Geometry C, Radar, Emgrand, Smart, Farizon, London Electric Vehicle Company, Polestar and Lotus, among others.

In short, AHTV aims to increase its automobile production volume, export volume, upgrade local vendor capabilities in new technology areas and competitiveness while creating Malaysia as a new energy vehicle and NxGV hub for the benefit of Malaysia and the region.

As we celebrate Malaysia Day, we can certainly take pride that Proton, the national car, is in healthy shape with the support of its Chinese partner and is now poised to take the industry to a higher level.

By Datuk Seri Wong Chun Wai, a National Journalism Laureate and Bernama chairman. The views expressed here are the writer’s own.

Defence diplomacy the best option for Malaysia

Photo: Xinhua via AP

 CHINA’S Victory Parade on Sept 3 (pic) was more than pageantry; it was a warning shot about the future of war. With cyber, space and information warfare now centre stage, Malaysia must turn to its greatest strength – defence diplomacy.

Our ability to build trust, balance powers and shape regional security will determine whether South-east Asia remains stable amid intensifying rivalry.

The parade held in Beijing was more than a spectacle of power. It was a statement, a declaration that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is no longer simply modernising; it is also redefining warfare itself.

For Malaysia and Asean, the lesson is unmistakable – the battlefield of tomorrow will extend far beyond land, sea and air. It will be fought in cyberspace, outer space and the invisible realm of information.

The response must not be passivity but strategy and, above all, defence diplomacy.

For the first time, China showcased three new branches. The Information Support Force, the Cyberspace Force, and the Aerospace Force. These are not symbolic formations.

They signal the elevation of data and algorithms, satellites and electronic warfare to the same status as tanks, ships and aircraft.

China’s message is clear; victory will belong to those who dominate information, not just territory. It is a pivot from platform-centric power to information-centric warfare, an approach that mirrors Nato and US doctrines of multi-domain operations.

Military parades are theatre, but in Beijing theatre is strategy. To its people, China portrays: “We are secure and advanced.” To Washington, it signals: “We can fight across every domain.”

To its neighbours, the message is unmistakable: “We are no longer only a regional power; we are a global power.”

Malaysia can draw at least three key lessons from this signal. First, cyber and space resilience must become national priorities. Our financial systems, communications and power grids remain exposed to sophisticated cyberattacks.

Satellites and networks are potential first targets in any conflict. The upcoming Second Phase of Defence White Paper (2026 – 2030) must treat cyber and space security as essential pillars of national defence.

Second, strategic balancing has become a non-negotiable requirement.

Malaysia cannot afford to be ensnared in a great power rivalry, but we also cannot afford to remain silent. Defence diplomacy has emerged as a fundamental strategy. Engaging China, the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia and others is the instrument that protects our sovereignty and Asean’s neutrality.

Third, innovation in defence is an urgent imperative. The National Defence Industry Policy (DIPN) and Industrial Collaboration Programme (ICP) must prioritise dual-use technologies such as artificial intelligence, drones, cybersecurity solutions and satellite applications. Without innovation, resilience will remain out of reach.

The lesson from Beijing is not that Malaysia should embark on an arms race. It is that we must strengthen defence diplomacy as the first line of security. Defence diplomacy is about building trust with partners, engaging competitors with clarity, and using dialogue to prevent miscalculation.

It means engaging in joint exercises, officer exchanges, technology collaboration and transparent communication.

For our country, it also means positioning ourselves as a bridge, a country trusted enough to convene conversations between rivals, but firm enough to defend our national interests.

China’s parade revealed a military ready to fight across every domain. But Malaysia’s strength does not lie in matching missile for missile. Our strength lies in building coalitions, shaping norms and leading through diplomacy.

The real contest of this century is not only about who parades the largest arsenal but who builds the most resilient, cooperative and stable security architecture. That is the contest where Malaysia, through defence diplomacy, must lead.

RAEISS ILMY RAMLY Dengkil, Selangor

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Exploring rocket town Hainan, China's gateway to space

The writer at the lobby of Hilton Wenchang where models of Chinese rockets were set up for sale. — Photos: FLORENCE TEH

A call from a Beijing-based Chinese journalist friend came suggesting I should make a quick trip to Hainan, China’s southernmost island province, to watch a rocket launch.

“Hainan is just a few hours away from Kuala Lumpur, so here’s your chance to see a real rocket blast. You don’t have to travel all the way to the United States or Russia to see this,’’ he said.

The only problem was that he could not give me the exact date of the lift off as he couldn’t find the details. He apologised and said that the Chinese authorities were often secretive of such information and that the best way to find out was to call up the hotels by the beach, facing the Wenchang space launch site.

When I approached my local travel agent, she was of no help as she had no idea there were rocket ascents in Hainan, but she did promise to call her Hainan counterpart.  

A few days later, the agent called back to say that most of the launch crew had made bookings for a week at the Hilton Wenchang.

“It is most likely that during that one week, the rocket would be launched. You just have to take your chances,’’ the agent said.

Now, there was no way I could book a room there for a week, as the rates had gone up by quite a bit during that period, so an urgent call was made to Beijing again.

More calls and WeChat messages were exchanged and soon, it was narrowed down to three possible dates, with the launch time likely to be at 8.30pm.

That seemed reasonable as I would be able to explore Hainan – dubbed the “Hawaii of China” as it is well-known for its palm-fringed beaches, coconut groves, and luxury resorts – during the day and be back at the hotel in the evenings.

Hainan has long been a destination for vacationers seeking sun, sea, and serenity with its white sand coastlines and subtropical forests.

But unknown to the world, except in China, Hainan is actually fast gaining a reputation as a world-class spaceport, with space tourism as one of its main products.

My wife and I arrived in Hainan via AirAsia, which flies direct from KLIA Terminal 2, hoping to see the countdowns and launch pads.

“You must get a balcony room with a beach view, and just watch the awesome sights and sounds from the room. It will be the best view. That way, you don’t have to jostle with the crowds who will gather at the public beach,’’ my reporter friend reminded me.

White beaches, palm trees and the rocket launch pad. A perfect view from the balcony of Wenchang Hilton in Hainan, China.

To ensure my dates were when the launch was “most likely to happen”, he doubled-checked with his colleagues in the Hainan bureau, and they assured him that it was on and that “it will happen”.

The Wenchang Space Launch Centre, operational since 2016, is the only coastal launch site in China. Most launches take place in desert sites.

The Hainan location allows for the launch of the country’s largest and heaviest rockets – like the Long March 5, which carries modules for China’s Tiangong Space Station and deep-space missions to the Moon and Mars.

Unlike many space facilities around the world, Wenchang’s launch pads are remarkably accessible.

There’s a public beach that’s just a short walk away from the main launch site, where curious onlookers and local families gather to watch the countdowns, to hear the engines roar to life, and to see the rockets pierce through the sky in dazzling displays.

The anticipated day finally came. Roads were sealed. Only vehicles ferrying registered hotel guests were allowed entry into the hotel area.

Space workers in their uniforms were seen walking around the lobby and restaurants. My wife, who speaks Mandarin, asked if the launch would happen. Their lips were sealed but they sportingly smiled and nodded their heads.

The rocket lift-off event at Wenchang, as seen from the writer’s hotel balcony.

The hotel had set up a counter selling miniature rockets, badges and other souvenirs, which was another sign that the launch was on.

There were rocket models in the lobby, and the afternoon tea served cakes and other sweet treats in the shape of astronauts and spacecrafts, though for a pricey RM200.

By 2pm, locals arrived at the public beach with folding chairs and picnic baskets, turning the shoreline into a festive arena. Children waved flags and tourists scrambled for the best camera angles.

Finally, on Aug 22 at 8.25pm, I looked at the balconies next to our room and saw that they were already filled with guests.

Then, the countdown began. When it hit zero, a thunderous roar filled the air. The rocket lifted slowly at first, then accelerated into the clouds, leaving behind a huge column of fire and a trail of awestruck gasps.

It was loud and hot, yet completely unforgettable. I couldn’t believe how close we were to seeing it all. There was no need for binoculars or distant observation decks.

What I also found unbelievable was that there was only a short mention of the launch on the local TV news channel that evening.

One of the hotel restaurant workers, a local, shrugged at my excitement, saying the rocket launches were mainly satellites by the private sector, and that these take place every few months.

A check online indeed showed three launches this year and many locals were no longer excited about these events, “except for the out-of-town local tourists”. My wife and I were the only foreign guests at the hotel.

The writer with his wife, Datin Seri Florence Teh at the Aeronautics City in Hainan.

A record was set between July 30 and Aug 4, when “two launches were carried out within five days”, according to reports.

One big attraction that awaits public opening is the Hainan Science Museum, also called the Hainan Science and Technology Museum, in Haikou. Here, there are galleries within the futuristic six-storey building displaying space technology, ocean science, and mathematics, as well as a few interactive zones.

The design of the building resembles an “updraft” (rising warm air current), with fluid, cloud-like shapes, inspired by Hainan’s tropical rainforests and futurism, according to news reports.

But for now, tourists only have the Astronautics City to visit, which is a modest museum but decent enough.

Since we were already in Wenchang, a quiet “rocket town”, we had to try its Wenchang chicken, a dish so famous it inspired the Malaysian favourite, Hainanese chicken rice.

My verdict? Well, we may be light years behind China in terms of rocket science but as a consolation, our Hainanese chicken rice is way, way better!

The steamed chicken in Hainan is tough as they are free-range chickens. They do not have our chilli sauce as a condiment nor do they use thick caramel soy sauce. The steamed chicken is also pretty plain and dry, really.

One simply has to try the chicken rice in Hainan as that's where it originated, but the writer still prefers Malaysian chicken rice.

What about durians in Hainan? No, it’s not going to happen for a long, long time as they still rely on imported Thai durians.

Haikou, the capital of Hainan, is also known for its Instagram-friendly colonial-era buildings at Qilou Old Street, reflecting both European and Chinese influences, and restaurants.

Further south, the more well-known resort cities like Sanya offer five-star luxury, snorkelling, and rainforest hikes.

But for Malaysians, all these will not really excite most of us ... but seeing a rocket lift off in front of our eyes is definitely worth experiencing.

Hainan is just a little over three hours by flight from KL and not many realise that the place is geographically the closest Chinese province to Malaysia.

Haikou’s Qilou Old Street is a charming town with colonial-style buildings.

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